Colombia Bombing Rules: Government Appeals Limits Near Child Recruits
Colombia · Security
Key Facts
- The country — Colombia has about 52 million people and six decades of armed conflict. Armed groups there have recruited children for decades, and recruiting anyone under 18 carries 40 to 50 years in prison.
- The tool — A tutela is Colombia’s fast-track constitutional action, decided in days rather than years. Any citizen can file one to defend a constitutional right.
- What changed — Abelardo de la Espriella took office on 7 August 2026 and spent his first weeks dismantling his predecessor’s negotiated approach and resuming air strikes. A strike on 27 August killed three teenagers in Guaviare, a rural south-eastern province.
- What happened — On 3 September the 34th Family Court of Bogotá halted some offensive air operations where children were reasonably shown to be present. On 16 September the same judge lifted that suspension, refused a blanket ban and imposed five conditions instead. The presidency and three ministries have appealed those conditions.
- The numbers — The forensic institute’s director said 62 minors died in military operations under the previous government up to 31 May 2026, out of 458 deaths in total. The lawyer behind the case is Ower Jimmy Borda Parra.
- What it means for you — The bombing has not stopped. The fight is over how the air force strikes, not whether it does, so rural areas of Colombia stay active conflict zones.
- Still open — The appeal court has 20 days from receiving the file. At least four other courts have issued their own orders that this ruling did not touch.
The ruling under appeal did not stop the bombing. It lifted an earlier suspension and told the military how to strike when children may be present.
The Colombia bombing rules now under appeal are conditions, not a ban. A Bogotá judge did suspend air strikes near recruited children on 3 September 2026. On 16 September the same judge lifted that suspension and replaced it with conditions. The government is fighting those conditions.

What the Colombia bombing rules actually say
The case grew out of an air strike on 27 August that killed three teenagers in Guaviare, a rural south-eastern province. The lawyer Ower Jimmy Borda Parra then filed a tutela on behalf of children recruited by armed groups.
A tutela is Colombia’s fast-track constitutional action, decided in days rather than years. On 3 September the 34th Family Court of Bogotá ordered the state to halt some offensive air operations. The order covered places where reasonably verifiable information showed children were present.
The government challenged that interim order and lost, on 10 September. Then came the judge’s final first-instance ruling of 16 September, which is the one now on appeal. It did two things at once. It lifted the suspension, and it refused to impose an absolute prohibition.
In place of a ban the court set out a reinforced duty of precaution in five parts. Strengthen the verification of intelligence. Write that information expressly into the legal and operational assessment. Weigh the risk to the lives of the children. Examine less harmful alternatives that achieve a comparable military advantage. And apply rigorously the principles of distinction (telling fighters from civilians), precaution and proportionality.
The court also held that a child’s mere presence in a camp does not by itself make that child a lawful target. It did not require judicial authorisation for individual strikes, and did not create a general prohibition.
What the government filed, and why
The presidency, together with the defence, justice and interior ministries, lodged an impugnación. That is the ordinary appeal against a first-instance tutela ruling, and it must be filed within three days of notification. The Bogotá daily El Tiempo first reported the filing on Monday 21 September.
El Tiempo reported four arguments from the document. The armed forces already follow the necessary protocols. They have technology and human sources to establish who is at a target site. Air operations already pass through several filters, including human rights officers and operational lawyers. And the defence ministry already observes international humanitarian law and the Rome Statute, the treaty behind the International Criminal Court.
President Abelardo de la Espriella, in office since 7 August, set out the political logic in a televised address on 13 September. He said the government respects judicial decisions but will contest them. He drew a line between judicial review and courts taking the place of the military chain of command. He also argued that armed groups must not gain immunity by keeping children in their camps.
The defence minister, retired army general Jorge Eduardo Mora, spoke to senators. He said none of the roughly 370 early warnings from the Ombudsman’s Office, the state human rights body, gives exact coordinates. They cover areas of kilometres, even hundreds of kilometres, he said.
Mora faces a Senate censure motion over the Guaviare operation in which three recruited minors died. The vote is due on Wednesday 23 September.
The numbers, and what they do and do not show
The figure driving this litigation came from the director of the national forensic institute. He spoke to the radio station Blu Radio on 31 August. He said 458 people died in military operations under former president Gustavo Petro, up to 31 May 2026. Of those, 62 were minors. Under Iván Duque, Petro’s predecessor, the figures were 367 deaths and 42 minors.
The count has two limits. The count covers military operations generally, not bombings specifically, and it runs only to 31 May. The director said he had no breakdown separating bombing deaths from combat deaths.
Under the current government, an operation in Guaviare on 27 August left ten dead. Three of them were identified as minors aged 15, 15 and 16. One further minor died on 10 August in a strike on the National Liberation Army (ELN), a guerrilla group, in Catatumbo. No consolidated figure for the current government has been reported, and any comparison sets almost four years against about six weeks.
The law underneath the argument
Recruiting anyone under 18 into an armed group is a crime in Colombia. In June 2026 Congress approved a law raising the prison term to between 40 and 50 years.
International humanitarian law is where the hard part sits. A recruited child who takes direct part in hostilities loses civilian protection while doing so. But distinction, proportionality and feasible precautions still apply, and presence in a camp is not the same as direct participation. The Bogotá court turned that gap into a checklist. The government says the checklist is unworkable in the field.
The Bogotá case is not the only one. Judges in Arauca, San José del Guaviare and Cúcuta have issued orders of their own. The 16 September ruling addressed only the Bogotá suspension. Air operations therefore remain constrained elsewhere.
For readers with staff or operations in rural Colombia, the effect is narrow. The appeal does not by itself change the security picture on the ground. What it changes is how much paperwork sits behind each strike, and how exposed commanders are afterwards. Those changes act slowly, shaping the conflict over months rather than days.
More: Colombia news in English, every day from The Rio Times.
Frequently Asked Questions
Did a Colombian court ban bombing where children are present?
No. It suspended strikes temporarily on 3 September, then lifted that suspension on 16 September and expressly declined to impose a blanket prohibition. What remains is a five-part standard of precaution, and those Colombia bombing rules are what the government has appealed.
Who brought the case?
A lawyer acting as informal representative for children recruited by armed groups, not an NGO or a state body. He filed after August air strikes in Catatumbo and Guaviare in which minors died.
What happens to the appeal now?
It goes to the Superior Tribunal of Bogotá, the city’s appeals court, which has 20 days from receiving the file. Reporters expect one to two months in practice. The Constitutional Court may then select the case for review.
Is Gustavo Petro still Colombia’s president?
No. Abelardo de la Espriella took office on 7 August 2026. Petro appears in this story only because the casualty figures being cited cover his term, which ended in August.
Connected Coverage
- Colombia Judge Lifts Bombing Suspension, Adds Rules to Protect Child Recruits
- Colombia Military Operations Killed 62 Minors Under Petro, Forensic Institute Says
- Colombia Security Package Would Let Police Enter Universities
This article was produced by The Rio Times’ automated newsroom system. How we use AI · Report an error · Editorial responsibility: Matthias Camenzind, Editor-in-Chief
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What The Rio Times publishes for foreigners who live in or move to Colombia.
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