Lula’s Hail Mary: Can He Win Over Latin America’s Right?
Brazil’s presidency confirmed this week that Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva seeks closer ties with conservative governments in Latin America as U.S. pressure escalates.
Official notes from the Planalto Palace show Lula’s outreach now extends beyond leftist allies to right-of-center leaders in Ecuador, Panama, Bolivia, and Chile.
On August 18, Ecuador’s President Daniel Noboa met Lula in Brasília. According to Brazil’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, both leaders agreed to deepen cooperation against drug trafficking, arms smuggling, and prison violence.
Brazil confirmed it will reopen a Federal Police office in Quito and support joint operations against organized crime. Trade was also central. Noboa secured Brazil’s pledge to rebalance a US$850 million trade gap by resuming Ecuadorian banana and shrimp imports.
In return, Quito agreed to ease restrictions on Brazilian pork. Panama follows next. The Ministry of External Relations confirmed President José Raúl Mulino will visit Brasília on August 28 with a business delegation.

Mulino will push for expanded trade under Panama’s new associate status in Mercosur. He also plans to discuss the purchase of four Embraer A-29 Super Tucano aircraft for security missions, showing growing military-industrial links.
This pivot comes as Washington hardens its stance. The U.S. government announced up to 50 percent tariffs on Brazilian exports and suspended a planned Treasury meeting with Brazil’s finance minister.
Official U.S. documents also confirm visa restrictions on Brazilian officials linked to the Mais Médicos program and sanctions tied to judicial actions. Brazil’s government responded by announcing measures to shield exporters and criticizing what it calls external interference.
The regional context makes the urgency clear. Argentina under Javier Milei has turned firmly right. Paraguay’s government is also conservative.
Bolivia, after twenty years of leftist dominance, now faces a runoff between centrist Rodrigo Paz and conservative Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga.
Ecuador and Panama already lean right. Chile votes in 2026 with José Antonio Kast, a right-wing frontrunner, leading the field. Only Uruguay remains neutral and carries little weight in regional power balances.
These shifts show why Lula’s move is a Hail Mary born of necessity, not choice. His government insists it will work with whoever voters elect, but the right across the region largely distrusts him.
In Argentina and Chile, leaders and candidates maintain close ties with Jair Bolsonaro, who faces multiple investigations in Brazil. For them, Lula is not an ally but a socialist adversary. That deep hostility makes his outreach fragile at best.
Yet Brazil has no room to retreat. The Ministry of Mines and Energy confirmed in April that gas shipments from Argentina’s Vaca Muerta shale reached Brazil through Bolivian pipelines.
Authorities expect this to lower industrial costs and reduce LNG dependence. Meanwhile, Venezuelan migration keeps pressure on Brazil’s border, where over 140,000 people have been relocated under Operação Acolhida since 2018.
For Brasília, survival means pragmatism. Tariffs from Washington, military deployments against cartels, and a regional rightward wave leave Lula with few friends. His turn to conservative neighbors is not an embrace, but a last resort.
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