Zuma’s MK Party Shatters ANC Grip, Stirs Racial Tensions
Africa · Southern
Key Facts
—Party launch. Zuma’s MK Party was founded in December 2023 and took its name from the ANC’s historic armed wing.
—Election shock. In May 2024 the party won roughly 15 percent of the national vote and 58 parliamentary seats.
—ANC expulsion. The ANC formally expelled Jacob Zuma on 29 July 2024 for campaigning against the party he once led.
—Coalition era. The ANC lost its outright majority for the first time since 1994 and now governs with the Democratic Alliance.
—Racial framing. Zuma calls the ANC-DA coalition a “white-led unholy alliance” and claims his party is the true liberation heir.
Zuma’s MK Party has shattered three decades of ANC political dominance, winning 58 seats in the 2024 election and forcing Africa’s most industrialised economy into an untested coalition while reigniting bitter arguments over race, land and who truly holds power.
A liberation name becomes a political weapon
The name uMkhonto weSizwe carries enormous weight in South Africa. It was the armed wing of the ANC, founded by Nelson Mandela in 1961 after the Sharpeville massacre.
By claiming that name for a rival party, Jacob Zuma is making an unmistakable statement. He is telling voters that his faction, not Cyril Ramaphosa’s ANC, is the authentic heir of the liberation struggle.
The original MK carried out sabotage campaigns against the apartheid state before disbanding in 1993. Zuma’s revival of the brand is a direct challenge to the ANC’s moral authority.
How Zuma’s MK Party redrew the electoral map
The 29 May 2024 general election delivered a political earthquake. The ANC fell from 57.5 percent of the vote in 2019 to roughly 40 percent, losing its outright majority for the first time since apartheid ended.
Zuma’s MK Party secured around 15 percent nationally and 58 seats in the 400-member National Assembly. It became the third-largest party overnight, pushing Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters into fourth place.
The party’s strength is concentrated in KwaZulu-Natal, Zuma’s home province and a Zulu-majority region of more than 10 million people. There MK won 37 of 80 provincial seats, a plurality that stunned the ANC.
The coalition scramble and a “white-led” accusation
With no party holding a majority, the ANC negotiated a Government of National Unity with the Democratic Alliance and smaller parties. Ramaphosa framed it as a pragmatic step to stabilise governance.
Zuma immediately denounced the arrangement as a “white-led unholy alliance.” He accused the ANC of betraying Black interests by partnering with a historically white liberal party.
MK announced it would join the “Progressive Caucus” in parliament alongside the EFF and other left-leaning parties. Together they hold nearly one-third of seats, enough to mount serious opposition.
In KwaZulu-Natal, a cross-party coalition of the IFP, ANC, DA and National Freedom Party blocked MK from the premiership on 14 June 2024. The vote was tight: 41 to 39.
Race, memory and the battle for the ANC’s soul
MK’s rise has reopened wounds that South Africa’s post-apartheid settlement had partly closed. Zuma routinely invokes “white monopoly capital” as the force he claims still controls the economy.
He calls Ramaphosa and his allies “sellouts” and “apartheid collaborators.” The language is deliberate, tapping into genuine anger over persistent unemployment, inequality and failing public services.
Ethnic identity also plays a role. MK’s base is overwhelmingly Zulu, concentrated in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng’s migrant communities, reviving older fault lines that had stabilised after the violent 1990s.
Analysts describe Zuma’s comeback as powered by marginalised constituencies who feel betrayed by the post-1994 order. They see Ramaphosa’s anti-corruption drive as selective and politically motivated.
State capture versus “white monopoly capital”
Two rival narratives now compete for public credibility. The Zondo Commission documented systematic looting of state-owned enterprises during Zuma’s presidency, a process it labelled “state capture.”
The Gupta family wielded extensive influence over cabinet appointments and contracts at Eskom, Transnet and other entities. Zuma faces 16 charges of corruption, fraud, racketeering and money-laundering linked to a 1990s arms deal.
Zuma inverts this history, claiming Ramaphosa is the one captured by domestic and foreign corporate interests. For investors, the stakes are direct: who controls procurement, regulation and appointments at the state entities that underpin mining exports and logistics.
MK’s policy platform remains fluid, but its parliamentary alliance with the EFF places it close to parties calling for nationalisation of mines and banks. The greater concern for business may be a return to opaque, politicised rent-seeking rather than doctrinaire socialism.
The BRICS and great-power dimension
South Africa’s political realignment matters far beyond its borders. The country is a key player in BRICS and a gateway to African markets, as explored in our pillar Africa: The New Scramble.
Zuma’s presidency deepened ties with China and Russia. His supporters are often explicitly pro-Russia and sceptical of Western institutions, which they portray as neo-colonial.
A more fragmented South African parliament with a strong anti-Western bloc could complicate engagement for the United States and Europe. It may also create openings for alternative global partners.
For Latin American readers, the pattern is familiar. MK’s fusion of liberation iconography, economic resentment and anti-elite rhetoric echoes populist movements from Brazil to Argentina.
What to watch next
Zuma was formally expelled from the ANC on 29 July 2024 after refusing to attend a disciplinary hearing. He has 21 days to appeal, but the break appears final.
MK has filed a court case to annul the election results, claiming the vote was rigged without providing evidence. Security agencies recall the deadly July 2021 riots that followed Zuma’s jailing for contempt of court.
The coalition government’s ability to deliver reforms will be tested. Populist bidding wars on land, mining taxes and social grants are a real risk in the new fragmented parliament.
Firms operating in South Africa may need to recalibrate their political risk strategies, particularly in KwaZulu-Natal. The narrative around “white monopoly capital” will put renewed pressure on corporate transformation and ownership.
Connected Coverage
Frequently Asked Questions
What is Zuma’s MK Party and why does its name matter?
Zuma’s MK Party is a populist political party founded in December 2023 that took the name of the ANC’s historic armed wing, uMkhonto we Sizwe. The name carries deep liberation symbolism, and by using it Zuma asserts that his faction is the true heir of the anti-apartheid struggle rather than Ramaphosa’s ANC.
How did the MK Party perform in South Africa’s 2024 election?
The party won roughly 15 percent of the national vote and 58 seats in the 400-member National Assembly, becoming the third-largest party. It secured a plurality in KwaZulu-Natal with 37 of 80 provincial seats, though a cross-party coalition later blocked it from the premiership.
What does MK’s rise mean for investors and businesses in South Africa?
MK’s presence as a strong third force raises policy uncertainty, particularly around land, mining taxes and state-owned enterprises. Its rhetoric about “white monopoly capital” will increase pressure on corporate transformation, while its parliamentary alliance with the EFF brings nationalisation debates closer to the mainstream.
Sources
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