A traditional priority for its military, Brazil’s presence in international peace missions plummets

RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL – The days when blue-helmeted UN troops paraded in armored cars through Haitian shanty towns or manned frigates in the Middle East are now a pale memory for the Brazilian military.

In February 2021, there were 76 Brazilians serving in UN peacekeeping missions, the lowest figure this century. The number represents 3% of the peak of Brazilian participation 10 years ago.

At the time, it was the peak of MINUSTAH, the UN mission in Haiti whose troops were commanded by Brazil, and which ended in 2017.

Since then, the country has terminated its participation in Unifil in Lebanon, where it was responsible for the naval force, and turned down an invitation to head a mission in the Central African Republic.

Brazil’s retreat in the international arena coincides with foreign policy changes. First with Michel Temer, when the focus was to correct the excesses of the PT’s expansive diplomacy and then with Jair Bolsonaro and his anti-globalist rhetoric.

However, for the military, participation in peacekeeping forces is still perceived as something fundamental, and resuming this role is a goal.

“From the military standpoint, to participate in missions is very important. You provide the troops with more experience, develop planning, coordination, promote exchange with other countries, you have an international experience that doesn’t exist otherwise,” says General Carlos Alberto dos Santos Cruz, who commanded UN troops in Haiti (2007-09) and in the Democratic Republic of Congo (2013-15).

Not only combat troops benefit from the experience, he says, but also support personnel, such as engineering or health professionals.

According to the general, it is not only the military aspect that defines a presence in a peace mission. “The country has to see what it wants politically if it wants to project itself in an international environment if it wants to have a greater presence in organizations. And to have a clear justification to society, to Congress, of why it is participating,” he says.

Currently, the 76 Brazilians in peace missions are spread over 6 operations, the largest contingent being in Congo, with 23 people. Most of them have civilian jobs, of an administrative nature. There are also 7 police officers.

For Eduarda Hamann, a professor at the Getúlio Vargas Foundation and a scholar on the subject, participating in missions reinforces the country’s commitment to multilateralism.

According to her, participation can be achieved in several ways. The most visible, and most costly, is sending troops, but contributing with specialists or members of the General Staff, besides being cheaper, can be more effective. “Having a force commander is highly strategic. Brazil sits with another weight at the negotiating table,” she says.

Despite Bolsonaro and his allies’ attacks on “globalism,” Professor Hamann sees no direct link to the decrease of the Brazilian presence in peace missions. “The principles that guide international relations in Brazil are in the Constitution. It so happens that there are always other issues involved, such as the budget,” she says.

The professor cites two examples of Brazil’s continued commitment to multilateralism: the campaign for the country to join the UN Security Council in 2022/23, and the Army’s training of peace troops, which is in full swing.

Currently, a group of soldiers is being prepared in Cascavel (PR), under the supervision of the CCOPAB (Brazilian Joint Center for Peace Operations), maintained by the Army.

When deciding to participate in peace missions, cost is always an important factor. The expense is partially reimbursed by the UN, but in general the contributing country has to reach into its own pocket.

MINUSTAH has cost about R$2.5 billion in its 13 years of operation, of which more than half came out of the federal budget. During this time, 37,000 Brazilians were sent to the Caribbean country.

Another variable is whether the mission serves a strategic interest for the country and thus offsets costs and risks. In the 1990s and 2000s, Brazil participated in missions to Angola, Mozambique, and East Timor, all members of the CPLP (Community of Portuguese Language Countries).

In the case of Haiti, the UN invitation was promptly accepted by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), due to Brazil’s claim to be a leader in the Americas at that time. In relation to the mission in Lebanon, the sizeable community of natives of this country or their descendants here, weighed in the balance.

None of this was present in the offer to head the mission in the Central African Republic, says international relations professor Antonio Jorge Ramalho, from the University of Brasilia, who studies peace operations.

“The refusal stemmed mainly from the assessment that the risks associated with the mission were too high to justify the political or technical benefits that Brazil could gain,” he says, citing other priorities at that time, when the military was involved in an intervention in public security in Rio. “It was a sensible decision, which does not close doors to future participation in peace operations,” he says.

He agrees that Brazil should prioritize missions in areas of direct influence, but without losing sight of the greater significance of these operations.

“It is a commitment to international society and the values of multilateralism, whose strengthening is of interest to Brazil. It is also a gesture of empathy with people who are suffering, in critical moments. Acts of solidarity are very important for any country that wants to expand its role in the international arena,” he says.

Responsible for negotiating the Brazilian participation in peace missions, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs states that the drastic reduction in the number of troops is circumstantial, and is not so different from the country’s history.

“The sending of large contingents in recent decades was a point outside the curve. In general, in 70 years of the UN, participation has always been greater among observers and police. The rule is to send small units,” says Counselor Viviane Rios Balbino, head of the United Nations Division 2, responsible for the subject.

According to her, the current scenario is quite different compared to 2004, when Brazil took over the mission in Haiti.

“The opportunity generated for the Brazilian participation in the 13 years of MINUSTAH is a geopolitical and economic scenario that is unlikely to be repeated. Brazil has changed a lot since that time, and there has been a change in the reality of the UN, with budget cuts and smaller military contingents,” she says.

New opportunities will be assessed, says the diplomat, and it is expected that some new invitation will arise if Brazil is elected to the Security Council. “Every other time Brazil has participated in the Council it has sent troops. This is not fortuitous. It is in the Council that the missions are decided,” she says.

The Army’s Social Communication Center said that the CCOPAB, created in 2010, has been maintaining its activities and is ready to send troops to new missions.

“From the standpoint of building competence and skills (training and preparation), the CCOPAB is able to prepare troops whenever so decided by the higher echelon,” it said in a statement. There are 188 military personnel in training.

The center also provides support for Operação Acolhida, to assist Venezuelan refugees in Roraima.

Participation in missions brings benefits, says the Army, such as respect from the international community, consolidation of Brazil as a global player in peacekeeping and security, improvement of doctrines and tactics, and personal and professional growth of the military.

“Brazil is recognized for its military and police officers’ high performance, as well as for the outstanding conduct and discipline of its troops, making Brazil one of the countries that contribute in a historically significant way to the UN System,” the note says.