IBOV 205,558.53 ▼ 0.65% IPSA 11,159.41 ▲ 0.31% IPC MEX 64,975.08 ▲ 0.69% MERVAL 2,885,034 ▲ 0.54% COLCAP 2,590.34 ▲ 0.30% BVL PERÚ 60,220.93 ▲ 0.18% USD/BRL4.98▼ 0.35% USD/MXN17.96▼ 0.65% USD/CLP971.43▼ 0.12% USD/COP3,230▲ 1.14% USD/PEN3.44▼ 0.42% USD/ARS1,521▲ 0.02% USD/UYU40.09▲ 2.87% USD/PYG5,835▲ 3.25% USD/BOB11.90▲ 2.31% USD/DOP60.36▲ 4.52% USD/CRC454.50▲ 2.57% USD/GTQ7.64▲ 3.36% USD/HNL26.86▲ 3.49% USD/NIO36.62▲ 2.96% USD/VES870.21▼ 0.13% USD/PAB1.00— 0.00% USD/BZD2.00— 0.00% USD/JMD 157.28 — 0.00% USD/TTD6.68▲ 1.99% EUR/BRL5.60▼ 4.62% BRENT 88.88 ▼ 0.03% WTI 83.11 ▼ 0.11% IRON ORE 161.91 — — COPPER 6.61 ▲ 0.03% GOLD 4,461 ▲ 1.78% SILVER 65.59 ▲ 1.26% SOY 1,184 ▲ 3.20% CORN 480.50 ▲ 10.02% WHEAT 655.00 ▲ 3.93% COFFEE 317.25 ▼ 5.51% SUGAR 16.43 ▼ 1.79% ORANGE JUICE 138.55 ▼ 0.47% COTTON 85.03 ▲ 2.33% COCOA 5,719 ▲ 3.18% BEEF 223.60 ▼ 3.93% CATTLE 339.10 ▼ 3.16% LITHIUM 75.20 ▲ 1.47% PETR4 41.64 ▼ 0.05% VALE3 72.97 ▲ 0.83% ITUB4 38.60 ▼ 1.03% BBDC4 16.85 ▲ 0.36% ABEV3 14.89 ▼ 0.80% BBAS3 19.37 ▲ 0.47% B3SA3 14.26 ▼ 0.21% WEGE3 47.59 ▲ 0.49% PRIO3 59.14 ▼ 0.19% SUZB3 41.33 ▲ 2.35% RENT3 34.68 ▼ 0.09% AZZA3 15.89 ▼ 2.63% CSAN3 3.22 ▼ 1.83% RAIZ4 0.25 — 0.00% PCAR3 2.75 ▼ 0.36% GMAT3 3.65 ▼ 1.08% PSSA3 48.13 ▼ 0.54% CVCB3 1.33 ▼ 2.92% POSI3 3.36 ▲ 2.44% SLCE3 13.34 ▲ 0.30% NATU3 8.14 ▼ 0.73% IBOV 205,558.53 ▼ 0.65% IPSA 11,159.41 ▲ 0.31% IPC MEX 64,975.08 ▲ 0.69% MERVAL 2,885,034 ▲ 0.54% COLCAP 2,590.34 ▲ 0.30% BVL PERÚ 60,220.93 ▲ 0.18% USD/BRL 5.16 ▲ 0.01% USD/MXN 17.06 ▼ 0.24% USD/CLP 913.98 ▲ 0.04% USD/COP 3,140 ▲ 0.03% USD/PEN 3.36 ▼ 0.66% USD/ARS 1,493 ▲ 0.10% USD/UYU 40.27 ▲ 1.24% USD/PYG 5,939 ▲ 1.68% USD/BOB 11.64 ▼ 0.76% USD/DOP 58.34 ▲ 1.25% USD/CRC 445.92 ▲ 0.89% USD/GTQ 7.62 ▲ 2.21% USD/HNL 26.79 ▲ 1.57% USD/NIO 36.62 ▲ 0.69% USD/VES 762.44 ▼ 0.13% USD/PAB 1.00 — 0.00% USD/BZD 2.00 — 0.00% USD/JMD 157.28 — 0.00% USD/TTD 6.70 ▲ 0.61% EUR/BRL 5.95 ▲ 1.01% BRENT 88.88 ▼ 0.03% WTI 83.11 ▼ 0.11% IRON ORE 161.91 — — COPPER 6.61 ▲ 0.03% GOLD 4,461 ▲ 1.78% SILVER 65.59 ▲ 1.26% SOY 1,184 ▲ 3.20% CORN 480.50 ▲ 10.02% WHEAT 655.00 ▲ 3.93% COFFEE 317.25 ▼ 5.51% SUGAR 16.43 ▼ 1.79% ORANGE JUICE 138.55 ▼ 0.47% COTTON 85.03 ▲ 2.33% COCOA 5,719 ▲ 3.18% BEEF 223.60 ▼ 3.93% CATTLE 339.10 ▼ 3.16% LITHIUM 75.20 ▲ 1.47% PETR4 41.64 ▼ 0.05% VALE3 72.97 ▲ 0.83% ITUB4 38.60 ▼ 1.03% BBDC4 16.85 ▲ 0.36% ABEV3 14.89 ▼ 0.80% BBAS3 19.37 ▲ 0.47% B3SA3 14.26 ▼ 0.21% WEGE3 47.59 ▲ 0.49% PRIO3 59.14 ▼ 0.19% SUZB3 41.33 ▲ 2.35% RENT3 34.68 ▼ 0.09% AZZA3 15.89 ▼ 2.63% CSAN3 3.22 ▼ 1.83% RAIZ4 0.25 — 0.00% PCAR3 2.75 ▼ 0.36% GMAT3 3.65 ▼ 1.08% PSSA3 48.13 ▼ 0.54% CVCB3 1.33 ▼ 2.92% POSI3 3.36 ▲ 2.44% SLCE3 13.34 ▲ 0.30% NATU3 8.14 ▼ 0.73%
since 2009
Tuesday, October 6, 2026

World-News Analysis

Why Innovation Clusters Reject Populism in the U.S. While Surrounding Areas Embrace It

By · July 2, 2025 · 3 min read

(Analysis) Cambridge University Press research by Victor Menaldo and Nicolas Wittstock reveals the economic geography driving Trump’s electoral success.

Their study of US Innovation Inequality and Trumpism exposes how technology divides determine voting patterns across America. The 2024 election data confirms innovation clusters consistently reject populist candidates.

Counties housing tech companies, research universities, and patent-heavy industries voted against Trump in both 2016 and 2024. These areas depend on global supply chains, skilled immigration, and international cooperation that Trump’s policies threatened.

Trump gained votes in nine out of ten counties nationwide compared to 2020. However, innovation centers remained steadfastly opposed to his economic agenda.

The Brookings Institution found Trump-voting counties represented only 38 percent of America’s economic output despite comprising 86 percent of total counties. This economic minority governs through geographic electoral advantages.

Why Innovation Clusters Reject Populism in the U.S. While Surrounding Areas Embrace It
Why Innovation Clusters Reject Populism in the U.S. While Surrounding Areas Embrace It.
RT
Ask Rio Times
17 years of Latin America reporting, on demand.
Open the full Ask Rio Times →

Rural voters supported Trump by 69 percent to 29 percent in 2024, an increase from previous elections. These areas lack access to innovation ecosystems that drive contemporary economic growth.

The LatAm Brief

One email, every weekday morning. What moved in Latin American markets, politics and expat life.

Yesterday’s subject line: “Brazil stocks jump 7.7%, real up 4%, after the vote”

Free. We send a confirmation link first — nothing arrives until you click it. Unsubscribe with one click in any edition. If you stop opening us for 30 days we stop sending by ourselves, as we assume the interest is no longer there. See our privacy policy. We never share your email.

Manufacturing job losses from automation and trade created lasting resentment toward global integration policies. Research shows technology adoption varies dramatically across American regions.

Patent data reveals over 50 percent of new innovations originate from just five coastal states. Less than 13 percent of inventors are women, highlighting demographic concentration alongside geographic inequality.

Innovation inequality creates what economists call technology deserts. These regions lack the research institutions, venture capital, and skilled workforce needed for knowledge economy participation.

Voters in these areas view international trade and immigration as threats rather than opportunities. The Economic Development Administration allocated $504 million in 2024 to establish 12 Regional Technology and Innovation Hubs.

This federal investment aims to spread innovation benefits beyond traditional coastal clusters. However, creating innovation capacity requires decades-long commitments to education and infrastructure development.

Manufacturing employment declined from 60 percent of American consumption in 1950 to just 10 percent today. This structural shift affected all developed economies regardless of trade relationships.

Ball State University research attributes only 13 percent of manufacturing job losses between 2000 and 2010 to international trade, with 87 percent resulting from automation and productivity gains.

China simultaneously experiences massive manufacturing job losses despite running nearly trillion-dollar trade surpluses. Chinese factories eliminate 10 percent of human workers annually through automation.

This contradicts claims that trade necessarily creates manufacturing employment. Trump’s trade policies threatened innovation clusters dependent on global networks.

Software, biotechnology, and advanced manufacturing companies require international talent flows and technology sharing. Immigration restrictions and tariff increases directly harmed these sectors’ economic foundations.

Innovation clusters generated employment multiplier effects creating five additional local jobs for each high-tech position. However, these benefits remained geographically concentrated, leaving surrounding areas economically isolated.

This spatial inequality created the political geography favoring populist appeals. Congressional research identifies innovation inequality as a national competitiveness threat.

Federal regional innovation programs attempt to address geographic disparities through place-based economic development strategies. Success requires coordinating education, infrastructure, and capital access across multiple government levels.

The research confirms innovation inequality explains voting patterns better than traditional demographic variables. Counties with higher immigrant populations shifted more toward Trump, suggesting cultural anxieties intersect with economic insecurity.

However, areas benefiting from knowledge economy integration consistently opposed populist candidates regardless of local demographics.

This economic geography will likely persist without deliberate policy interventions to distribute innovation benefits more broadly across American territories.

The concentration of technological capacity in specific regions creates permanent political tensions between innovation centers and surrounding areas excluded from knowledge economy participation.

This article was produced by The Rio Times’ automated newsroom system. How we use AI · Report an error · Editorial responsibility: Matthias Camenzind, Editor-in-Chief

The Rio Times · Power Map
See who really holds power in Latin America
Click to open the Power Map →

Rotate for Best Experience

This report is optimized for landscape viewing. Rotate your phone for the full experience.