Senegal and France Forge New Maritime-Focused Defence Partnership After Base Closure
Africa · Western
Key Facts
—Base closure. France completed its withdrawal and ended over 60 years of permanent military presence in Senegal on 17 July 2025.
—New framework. A letter of intent signed on 15 July 2025 establishes a temporary partnership without permanent facilities but with naval and airport access for French forces.
—Maritime focus. Senegal has taken delivery of two French-built OPV 58 S offshore patrol vessels, and both nations are deepening cooperation on satellite surveillance of maritime zones.
—Turkish competition. Senegal signed a €317 million ($345 million) arms contract with Turkey in March 2025, including maritime patrol aircraft and helicopters, diversifying away from French suppliers.
—Great-power shift. France’s military footprint in West Africa has shrunk to almost zero, while Turkey, Russia, China, and the United States compete for influence in the Sahel and Gulf of Guinea.
The Senegal France defence partnership is being fundamentally redesigned around naval access and maritime security cooperation, after Dakar ejected permanent French bases and Paris pivoted to a lighter, blue-water posture that preserves strategic reach along the Sahel’s Atlantic flank.

The End of an Era: French Bases Leave Senegal
On 17 July 2025, France formally ended more than six decades of continuous military deployment in Senegal, handing back the last facilities in Dakar’s Maréchal and Saint-Exupéry districts. The withdrawal fulfilled a pledge by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, elected in March 2024 on a platform of national and economic sovereignty, who had told AFP in November 2024 that France would have to close its military bases.
Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko had publicly criticised the bases in May 2024, linking the debate to the CFA franc currency regime and existing oil and gas contracts. By December 2024, Sonko formally announced the closure of all foreign military bases, making Senegal the first democratically elected West African state to terminate a French defence presence, following the coup-led expulsions in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger.
A joint commission established in February 2025 oversaw the withdrawal and the restitution of facilities, with both governments pledging to negotiate a new defence and security partnership that accounts for all parties’ strategic priorities. The departure marks a symbolic and operational rupture in the architecture that had governed France’s presence in the region since a 1974 defence agreement allowed Paris to station forces on Senegalese soil.
A Letter of Intent: Naval Access Without Permanent Bases
On 15 July 2025, just two days before the final withdrawal, the Chiefs of Staff of the French and Senegalese armed forces signed a letter of intent establishing what Paris describes as a “temporary framework for the continuation of a special partnership that is balanced and mutually beneficial.” The document explicitly rules out permanent facilities while maintaining naval and airport access for French forces.
This arrangement allows France to rotate frigates and patrol vessels through Dakar’s port, use Senegalese airfields for logistics and crisis response, and continue joint exercises with the Senegalese navy. It effectively shifts the Senegal France defence partnership from a land-based garrison model to a maritime and air-access framework, consistent with Paris’s broader post-Barkhane repositioning across Africa.
The 2012 defence partnership treaty remains the legal backbone of bilateral military cooperation, covering training, equipment, exercises, and port and airport calls. The new letter of intent builds on that treaty while adapting to Dakar’s insistence on sovereignty, and a more comprehensive accord is still under negotiation as of early 2026.
Why Senegal’s Coastline Matters for Sahel Security
Senegal sits on the Atlantic flank of the Sahel, and Dakar’s port is a critical logistics node for access to Mauritania, Mali, and the wider Sahelian hinterland. French naval doctrine for West Africa has long relied on Mission Corymbe, a semi-permanent deployment of a warship in the Gulf of Guinea aimed at reducing maritime insecurity, piracy, and illicit trafficking.
With permanent bases gone but naval access retained, France can still use Dakar as a hub for regional maritime security missions, complementing its remaining footholds in Gabon and Djibouti. The coastline is also vital for protecting offshore oil and gas blocks, where Senegal has made significant discoveries, and for policing illegal fishing by European and Asian fleets.
Senegal’s own naval capabilities have expanded considerably: French shipbuilder Piriou delivered two OPV 58 S offshore patrol vessels in 2023, with a third expected, tailored for surveillance of the country’s exclusive economic zone and counter-piracy operations. These vessels are a flagship French naval export in the Gulf of Guinea and a concrete anchor for continued bilateral cooperation even as troops depart.
Space, Satellites, and the New Senegal France Defence Partnership
A less visible but strategically significant dimension of the evolving Senegal France defence partnership lies in space-based surveillance. In June 2025, the Senegalese Armed Forces Chief of Staff, General Mbaye Cissé, signed a five-year memorandum of understanding with the Senegalese Agency for Space Studies (ASES), creating a formal cooperation framework between defence and space sectors.
Senegal has also partnered with French company Prométhée Earth Intelligence, which develops Earth-observation nanosatellite constellations providing near-real-time, high-resolution imagery of Senegalese territory and surrounding maritime zones. Senegalese officers explicitly link space capability to maritime surveillance, border security, and the control of trafficking routes that connect Sahelian armed groups to the Atlantic.
This high-tech layer of cooperation — satellites, coastal radars, and secure communications — represents the new frontier of the bilateral relationship, replacing the old logic of garrisoned troops with intelligence sharing and domain awareness. It also opens commercial opportunities for French defence and aerospace firms at a moment when Paris is losing ground to competitors elsewhere in the region.
Turkey Moves In: The Great-Power Contest Heats Up
The reconfiguration of the Senegal France defence partnership cannot be understood in isolation from the wider great-power competition reshaping the Sahel and Gulf of Guinea. As France retreats, Turkey has moved aggressively to fill the vacuum, signing two military deals with Dakar in August and October 2025, including a memorandum on maritime search, rescue, and surveillance training.
In March 2025, under IMF supervision, Senegal signed a €317 million ($345 million) arms contract with Turkish firm ICC Yapi Yatirim to modernise its military over three years. The package includes two CASA C295 aircraft configured for transport and maritime patrol, and two Leonardo AW139 helicopters, directly overlapping with the capabilities France has traditionally supplied.
This supplier diversification mirrors a continental trend where African states seek maximum room to manoeuvre between declining French leverage, rising non-Western partners, and established Western financiers. The United States, which updated its own defence cooperation agreement with Senegal in 2016, also views Dakar as a valuable contingency access point on the Atlantic side of the Sahel, particularly for counterterrorism and evacuation operations.
What Each Side Wants: Sovereignty, Money, and Residual Influence
For Senegal, the new framework is about strategic sovereignty and economic leverage. General Mbaye Cissé has framed the withdrawal as a move “to affirm the autonomy of the Senegalese armed forces” while still contributing to regional peace, and President Faye’s government has linked the base closure to broader renegotiations of the CFA franc and hydrocarbon contracts.
Stronger control of the maritime domain gives Dakar more bargaining power over offshore oil and gas revenues, fishing rights, and the terms under which foreign navies operate in its waters. The government is also positioning Senegal as a hub for training, cyber-security, and maritime surveillance services for West Africa, drawing funding from France, the European Union, Turkey, and the United States.
For France, the letter of intent preserves a minimal but strategic footprint at a moment when its military presence in West Africa has shrunk to almost zero. Naval access to Dakar and close ties to Senegal’s navy and air force help Paris retain operational reach along the Atlantic coast, support French defence exports like the OPV 58 S vessels, and recast its narrative from “Francafrique” to a partnership of equals — a theme explored in depth in our pillar Africa: The New Scramble.
What to Watch Next
The letter of intent is explicitly temporary, and both sides are negotiating a more comprehensive defence and security partnership that will need to balance Senegalese sovereignty demands with French operational requirements. The outcome will signal whether the model of access without bases can become a durable template for France’s relationships with other African coastal states.
Investors and security analysts should also watch how Turkey’s deepening defence ties with Senegal affect French industrial interests, particularly follow-on contracts for patrol vessels, coastal radars, and satellite services. The competition between Piriou, Turkish shipyards, and potentially Chinese suppliers will shape the Gulf of Guinea’s naval procurement landscape for years to come.
Finally, the broader Sahel context remains volatile: the Alliance of Sahel States is building a 5,000-strong joint force, Russia and China are expanding their security footprints, and the United States is reassessing its own contingency access requirements. Senegal’s ability to navigate these currents while maintaining a working Senegal France defence partnership will be a defining test of the Faye administration’s foreign policy.
Connected Coverage
Frequently Asked Questions
Has Senegal signed a fully ratified defence accord with France focused on maritime security?
Not yet. The two countries signed a letter of intent on 15 July 2025 establishing a temporary framework for cooperation without permanent bases but with naval and airport access. A more comprehensive defence and security partnership is still under negotiation, building on the existing 2012 defence cooperation treaty.
Why did Senegal ask France to close its military bases?
President Bassirou Diomaye Faye was elected in March 2024 on a platform of national and economic sovereignty, and both he and Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko publicly criticised the presence of foreign bases as incompatible with Senegalese autonomy. The decision also ties into broader renegotiations of economic relationships, including the CFA franc currency and oil and gas contracts.
Which other countries are competing for defence influence in Senegal?
Turkey has moved most aggressively, signing a €317 million ($345 million) arms contract in March 2025 and two additional military deals later that year covering maritime surveillance and training. The United States maintains a defence cooperation agreement updated in 2016, while Russia and China are expanding their security footprints elsewhere in the Sahel and represent potential future partners for Dakar.
Sources
- foi.se
- www2.assemblee-nationale.fr
- diplomatie.gouv.fr
- senat.fr
LatAm Markets: Live Signals → — real-time movers, turnover leaders and FX across Latin America.
Read More from The Rio Times