Sheinbaum Cements Another Constitutional Reform in Mexico

President Claudia Sheinbaum confirmed on Friday that Mexico’s Plan B electoral reform had been ratified by 20 state congresses—surpassing the constitutional threshold of 17—and declared it “already constitutional,” as reported by El Financiero, La Jornada, La Razón, and Vanguardia. Tabasco was the first state to approve it, in an overnight session within hours of the Cámara de Diputados’ 343–124 vote. Most state legislatures convened extraordinary sessions to fast-track ratification, with several completing the process in under 10 minutes. The reform now returns to the Senate for a formal constitutional declaration before publication in the Diario Oficial de la Federación.

What the Reform Does

The six core provisions target what Sheinbaum calls “privileges” in Mexico’s electoral and legislative apparatus. First, it bans reelection for all elected officials—a reversal of the 2014 reform that had allowed consecutive terms for legislators. Second, it prohibits nepotism in public institutions, barring officials from hiring relatives. Third, it eliminates “golden pensions” (pensiones doradas) for electoral council members and magistrates. Fourth, it caps the salaries, bonuses, and private medical insurance of electoral officials at or below the president’s own compensation, in line with the constitutional austerity principle established under López Obrador. Fifth, it limits municipal councils (regidurías) to a maximum of 15 members. Sixth, it caps state congress operating budgets at 0.7% of total state expenditure, forcing downsizing in legislatures that currently consume a larger share.

The reform also simplifies voting procedures for the 2027 judicial election—the follow-up to López Obrador’s controversial judicial overhaul that introduced popular election of judges—by reducing the number of candidates on the ballot. It modifies Articles 115 (municipal governance), 116 (state governance), and 134 (austerity in public spending) of Mexico’s Constitution. State legislatures must harmonize their local legal frameworks with the reform by May 30, 2026.

What It Doesn’t Do

Notably, the approved version does not include the original proposal to modify the timing windows for revocación de mandato (recall referendums), which Sheinbaum had initially sought. Analysts had warned that the recall provision could have been used as a political tool in 2027. The Senate stripped that element before sending the bill to the Cámara, and the lower chamber approved it without reinstating the change. Sheinbaum acknowledged the omission, saying “the essence of the Plan B we sent was approved.”

The Opposition’s Objection

PAN and PRI legislators voted unanimously against the reform in the Cámara, and opposition governors criticized the speed of state ratification—17 states approved within 24 hours, most in extraordinary sessions convened specifically for the vote. The opposition argues the reform concentrates power in the executive, weakens independent electoral institutions by slashing their budgets and compensation, and was rammed through without adequate debate. Morena and its allies counter that the reform fulfills a mandate from the 2024 election, where they won a supermajority on an explicit austerity and anti-privilege platform. The practical effect is clear: seven months into her presidency, Sheinbaum has embedded another structural change into Mexico’s constitutional architecture—one that reshapes municipal governance, state legislatures, electoral administration, and judicial elections simultaneously. Reversing it would require a future government to assemble the same two-thirds supermajority that Morena currently commands. That is, by design, extremely unlikely.

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