IBOV 188,268.59 ▲ 1.42% IPSA 11,238.63 ▼ 1.16% IPC MEX 64,106.82 ▼ 1.09% MERVAL 3,157,852 ▲ 1.53% COLCAP 2,626.71 ▲ 1.65% BVL PERÚ 60,702.89 ▼ 2.19% USD/BRL5.10▼ 0.14% USD/MXN16.97▼ 0.11% USD/CLP940.47▲ 1.38% USD/COP3,100▼ 0.32% USD/PEN3.35▲ 0.03% USD/ARS1,513▼ 0.08% USD/UYU40.24▲ 3.05% USD/PYG5,868▲ 2.26% USD/BOB12.36▲ 1.91% USD/DOP58.63▲ 0.22% USD/CRC447.58▲ 1.69% USD/GTQ7.63▲ 3.04% USD/HNL26.85▲ 0.57% USD/NIO36.62▲ 0.34% USD/VES830.41▲ 0.45% USD/PAB1.00— 0.00% USD/BZD2.00— 0.00% USD/JMD 157.28 — 0.00% USD/TTD6.73▲ 2.40% EUR/BRL5.93▼ 0.10% BRENT 88.88 ▼ 0.03% WTI 83.11 ▼ 0.11% IRON ORE 161.91 — — COPPER 6.61 ▲ 0.03% GOLD 4,461 ▲ 1.78% SILVER 65.59 ▲ 1.26% SOY 1,184 ▲ 3.20% CORN 480.50 ▲ 10.02% WHEAT 655.00 ▲ 3.93% COFFEE 317.25 ▼ 5.51% SUGAR 16.43 ▼ 1.79% ORANGE JUICE 138.55 ▼ 0.47% COTTON 85.03 ▲ 2.33% COCOA 5,719 ▲ 3.18% BEEF 223.60 ▼ 3.93% CATTLE 339.10 ▼ 3.16% LITHIUM 75.20 ▲ 1.47% PETR4 41.64 ▼ 0.05% VALE3 72.97 ▲ 0.83% ITUB4 38.60 ▼ 1.03% BBDC4 16.85 ▲ 0.36% ABEV3 14.89 ▼ 0.80% BBAS3 19.37 ▲ 0.47% B3SA3 14.26 ▼ 0.21% WEGE3 47.59 ▲ 0.49% PRIO3 59.14 ▼ 0.19% SUZB3 41.33 ▲ 2.35% RENT3 34.68 ▼ 0.09% AZZA3 15.89 ▼ 2.63% CSAN3 3.22 ▼ 1.83% RAIZ4 0.25 — 0.00% PCAR3 2.75 ▼ 0.36% GMAT3 3.65 ▼ 1.08% PSSA3 48.13 ▼ 0.54% CVCB3 1.33 ▼ 2.92% POSI3 3.36 ▲ 2.44% SLCE3 13.34 ▲ 0.30% NATU3 8.14 ▼ 0.73% IBOV 188,268.59 ▲ 1.42% IPSA 11,238.63 ▼ 1.16% IPC MEX 64,106.82 ▼ 1.09% MERVAL 3,157,852 ▲ 1.53% COLCAP 2,626.71 ▲ 1.65% BVL PERÚ 60,702.89 ▼ 2.19% USD/BRL 5.16 ▲ 0.01% USD/MXN 17.06 ▼ 0.24% USD/CLP 913.98 ▲ 0.04% USD/COP 3,140 ▲ 0.03% USD/PEN 3.36 ▼ 0.66% USD/ARS 1,493 ▲ 0.10% USD/UYU 40.27 ▲ 1.24% USD/PYG 5,939 ▲ 1.68% USD/BOB 11.64 ▼ 0.76% USD/DOP 58.34 ▲ 1.25% USD/CRC 445.92 ▲ 0.89% USD/GTQ 7.62 ▲ 2.21% USD/HNL 26.79 ▲ 1.57% USD/NIO 36.62 ▲ 0.69% USD/VES 762.44 ▼ 0.13% USD/PAB 1.00 — 0.00% USD/BZD 2.00 — 0.00% USD/JMD 157.28 — 0.00% USD/TTD 6.70 ▲ 0.61% EUR/BRL 5.95 ▲ 1.01% BRENT 88.88 ▼ 0.03% WTI 83.11 ▼ 0.11% IRON ORE 161.91 — — COPPER 6.61 ▲ 0.03% GOLD 4,461 ▲ 1.78% SILVER 65.59 ▲ 1.26% SOY 1,184 ▲ 3.20% CORN 480.50 ▲ 10.02% WHEAT 655.00 ▲ 3.93% COFFEE 317.25 ▼ 5.51% SUGAR 16.43 ▼ 1.79% ORANGE JUICE 138.55 ▼ 0.47% COTTON 85.03 ▲ 2.33% COCOA 5,719 ▲ 3.18% BEEF 223.60 ▼ 3.93% CATTLE 339.10 ▼ 3.16% LITHIUM 75.20 ▲ 1.47% PETR4 41.64 ▼ 0.05% VALE3 72.97 ▲ 0.83% ITUB4 38.60 ▼ 1.03% BBDC4 16.85 ▲ 0.36% ABEV3 14.89 ▼ 0.80% BBAS3 19.37 ▲ 0.47% B3SA3 14.26 ▼ 0.21% WEGE3 47.59 ▲ 0.49% PRIO3 59.14 ▼ 0.19% SUZB3 41.33 ▲ 2.35% RENT3 34.68 ▼ 0.09% AZZA3 15.89 ▼ 2.63% CSAN3 3.22 ▼ 1.83% RAIZ4 0.25 — 0.00% PCAR3 2.75 ▼ 0.36% GMAT3 3.65 ▼ 1.08% PSSA3 48.13 ▼ 0.54% CVCB3 1.33 ▼ 2.92% POSI3 3.36 ▲ 2.44% SLCE3 13.34 ▲ 0.30% NATU3 8.14 ▼ 0.73%
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Friday, September 11, 2026

Uruguay Politics

Uruguay Risks US Assistance over Cuba Medical Missions

By · September 11, 2026 · 5 min read

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URUGUAY · POLITICS

Key Facts

  • The warning Washington has formally warned Montevideo over the Cuban medical brigade working in Uruguay since 2005; the weekly Búsqueda reports that Uruguay risks losing U.S. State Department “international assistance” if nothing changes.
  • The brigade Twenty-one Cuban health professionals work at the Hospital de Ojos José Martí, the eye hospital in the former Saint Bois building, under a contract between Uruguay and Havana.
  • The accusation The U.S. classifies Cuba’s overseas medical missions as state-sponsored forced labor and human trafficking — a designation Havana and host countries reject.
  • The mechanism Uruguay now appears in U.S. trafficking-in-persons documentation over the brigade; a Tier 3 rating in the annual TIP report would let Washington suspend non-humanitarian assistance.
  • The stakes U.S. aid to Uruguay is modest — roughly US$1.5 million a year, mostly military training — but the diplomatic cost for a small democracy could be far larger.
  • The response Foreign Minister Mario Lubetkin says no formal U.S. communication on this specific issue has arrived, while confirming Montevideo is in dialogue with Washington.

Twenty-one Cuban eye doctors in Montevideo have put South America’s most stable democracy on a collision course with Washington’s campaign against Havana’s medical diplomacy.

Uruguay's Palacio Legislativo in Montevideo with the national flag
Uruguay’s Palacio Legislativo in Montevideo; the Orsi government faces a formal U.S. warning over the Cuban medical brigade (Photo: Tiana Gerfauo Gonzalez, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons)
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Cuba medical missions have operated in Uruguay without controversy for two decades. That ended this week: the weekly Búsqueda reported on September 10 that the United States has formally warned Uruguay that it risks losing State Department “international assistance” if it keeps hosting the Cuban medical brigade — the most direct pressure Washington has applied to Montevideo in years.

What Washington Told Montevideo

According to Búsqueda’s report by journalist Gabriel Pereyra, the U.S. warning was delivered in writing to Uruguay’s foreign ministry and defense ministry: if Uruguay does not end the contract with the Cuban brigade at the Hospital de Ojos — the eye hospital housed in the former Saint Bois hospital — the country will be treated as part of a group of states that facilitate forced labor, with consequences including the loss of State Department international assistance.

The U.S. embassy in Montevideo confirmed to local media that the letter was a warning, and that Uruguay has been included in State Department reporting on human-trafficking cases linked to Cuba’s medical missions. Búsqueda’s diplomatic sources were specific about the trigger: if nothing changes and Uruguay appears in the next edition of the annual Trafficking in Persons report in that context, the country would no longer be eligible for that assistance.

Foreign Minister Mario Lubetkin publicly played down the letter. His ministry, he said, has received “no official communication from the United States” specifically on this issue — but he confirmed the matter is being discussed with Washington, and signaled Uruguay wants to preserve what it sees as the program’s positive results within a negotiated framework.

A Small Brigade with a Long History

The program at the center of the dispute is modest. Twenty-one Cuban medical professionals currently work in Uruguay, according to a State Department country table published on August 21, 2026 — a number matched by independent monitoring of Cuban brigades. They staff the ophthalmology program at the Hospital de Ojos José Martí, which has provided free eye surgery to Uruguayans since 2005 and marked its 50,000th free operation in recent years, according to the Uruguayan presidency.

Under the arrangement, Uruguay contracts the brigade with the Cuban state rather than hiring the doctors individually — precisely the structure Washington condemns. The U.S. argues that Cuba’s medical export program amounts to forced labor: the government in Havana pockets most of the payment, doctors’ passports and movements are controlled, and defectors face retaliation. Cuba and the host governments call it South-South cooperation that delivers care to people who would otherwise go without.

Cuba Medical Missions Under U.S. Pressure

Uruguay is the latest stop in a systematic U.S. campaign against Cuba medical missions. On February 25, 2025, Secretary of State Marco Rubio expanded visa restrictions to target foreign officials involved in Cuba’s “labor export program,” explicitly including overseas medical missions. Restrictions on Central American officials followed in June 2025, and on officials from African states, Cuba and Grenada in August 2025.

The campaign is working on the numbers Washington cares about. The State Department’s August 2026 report on the “coerced and trafficked labor” of Cuban medical professionals counts 15,000 to 18,000 Cuban medical workers in 51 countries in 2026 — down from 24,000 in more than 58 countries at the start of 2025, a decline the department attributes to its own diplomacy. The same document lists Uruguay, with its 21 doctors, among the remaining holdouts.

What Is Actually at Stake

The financial exposure is small but real. U.S. foreign assistance to Uruguay runs to roughly US$1.5 million a year, concentrated in military training and security cooperation rather than development aid. The Trafficking Victims Protection Act allows Washington to suspend non-humanitarian, non-trade assistance to countries rated Tier 3 in the TIP report — a rating Uruguay, currently Tier 2, does not hold. Between here and there lie intermediate steps: a watch-list downgrade, the Cuba-missions listing Uruguay already carries, and the suspension of military advice, training and equipment that Uruguayan media describe as the letter’s concrete threat.

For President Yamandú Orsi’s left-of-center government, the dilemma is political more than financial. Ending a twenty-year program that provides free cataract surgery to poor Uruguayans — under open U.S. pressure — is domestically costly. Keeping it carries a different price: a formal trafficking stigma from Uruguay’s most powerful partner.

What It Means for Foreigners in Uruguay

For the expat community, nothing practical changes this week: the eye hospital keeps operating, and no U.S. program affecting residents or travelers is in question. What the dispute signals is structural. Uruguay has built its brand — and much of its appeal to foreign residents — on being the region’s rule-of-law outlier. A trafficking-report downgrade would strike directly at that reputation, and at the visa, investment and security relationships that rest on it.

Montevideo is simultaneously investing in the opposite kind of headline: as The Rio Times reported this week, Uruguay is paying airlines US$20 for every additional tourist they bring in. The next milestone in the Cuba medical missions dispute is the 2027 edition of the TIP report, typically published mid-year. Until then, expect quiet negotiation rather than public rupture: Montevideo has every incentive to restructure the program rather than cancel it — and Washington has already shown it counts partial withdrawals as victories.

This article was produced by The Rio Times’ automated newsroom system. How we use AI · Report an error

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