Ten years have passed since Egyptian President Abdelfatah al-Sisi orchestrated a military coup on July 3, 2013, ending the short-lived Islamist government of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Today, Egypt grapples with a concerning economic crisis, leaving its citizens struggling day by day, while limited attempts at political openness remain weak.
According to government data, the country’s poverty rate stood at 29.7% in 2019.
However, the figure is believed to be significantly higher since 2020 due to the pandemic and the impact of the war in Ukraine, exacerbating the crisis.
Labor force participation has declined steadily over the past decade, and Egypt has one of the lowest rates of female labor force participation globally, as noted by Timothy E. Kaldas, Deputy Director of the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy.
President al-Sisi, then Minister of Defense, announced Morsi’s ouster in a televised speech a decade ago, following widespread protests against him.
Subsequently, Egypt witnessed a tumultuous journey, with the president and entities such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) touting the nation as an example of “resilience” amid challenges.
Beyond external factors like wars and pandemics, which have hit Egypt hard due to its dependence on food imports and tourism, internal problems have deepened the crisis.
Major projects, including constructing a new administrative capital east of Cairo, increased military involvement in the economy, and the lack of foreign currency liquidity and investment, have left the population struggling to make ends meet.
Kaldas pointed out that the al-Sisi government expanded its economic empire while forcing state-owned companies into outsourcing for numerous projects, many of which are unnecessary, such as the new administrative capital, already costing billions of dollars.
Mismanagement of state finances has led Egypt into a worrying debt crisis.
Moreover, inflation has surpassed 30%, the local currency has sharply depreciated against the dollar, and the price of meat has risen by almost 90%.
Such circumstances have raised concerns among the public, with awareness of previous regime changes triggered by lesser failures than those experienced under al Sisi’s leadership.
During these ten years, al Sisi found support from the Coptic Church, presenting himself as the protector of the historically persecuted minority, which constitutes about 10% of the population.
However, despite symbolic gestures and promises of protection, Coptic Christians have faced increased attacks by jihadist group Islamic State (IS).
Furthermore, the government’s counterterrorism efforts have often resulted in accusations against civil society, impacting Coptic activists who have been imprisoned on terrorism charges.
This raises doubts about whether the Coptic community has genuinely been safeguarded under the al Sisi government, according to Miray Philips, an assistant professor at the University of Toronto.